The United States far exceeds most wealthy democracies in killings by police,nand officers seldom face legal consequences…

Mike Beckles
7 min readSep 10, 2021

It simply isn’t possible to understand the criminal justice crisis in the United States without properly understanding how these officers of the court, ostensible stewards of justice, have worked for decades to build a system of overcriminalization, blatant race-based discrimination, rampant police brutality, and mass incarceration. (David S. D’Amato)

Where else in the world are police officers convicted of crimes allowed to continue serving as police officers except the United States? Is it any wonder then that cops commit felonies indiscriminately against the people they are sworn to protect with impunity?
Imagine being a law 0enforcement officer and being allowed to plead down from a felony committed as an officer and allowed to remain a police officer!
I spent a decade as a police officer in Jamaica from 1982 to 1992; I laugh at this because no officer of the Jamaican Constabulary Force in its long history has ever committed a felony was allowed to plead guilty to a misdemeanor and remain an officer.
In fact, in my time, a misdemeanor conviction meant instant dismissal from our department. Is it any wonder then that American police officers steal drugs from dealers, steal their dirty money, sell the drugs back to other dealers, plant drugs on people they do not like, lie in their statements, lie on the witness stand, falsify evidence, brutalize and murder innocent unarmed citizens?
They are regular gangs of bullies roaming around to see who they can rob and steal from as part of the concept of policing for profit that is a staple in American policing…U.S. policing has also drawn controversy over excessive fines, fees, and asset forfeiture, a widespread practice in which departments profit from seizing the assets of citizens, many of whom are never charged with a crime.

At least 630 police officers have been convicted of a crime in California over the past decade — an average of more than one every week. Nearly a fifth of those officers are still working or on the job more than a year after sentencing. Their convictions range from driving under the influence to sex offenses — some with minors — to domestic abuse and assault. Officers charged with felonies that would bar them from carrying a gun and, consequently, from working as a police officer frequently plea down to lesser offenses that enable them to keep their gun — and their job. And even officers who are terminated from one department often continue working as cops by jumping from one department to the next. The United States’ own Council on Foreign Relations reports the following.

  • Other advanced democracies organize, fund, train, arm, and discipline their police officers differently than the United States does.
  • Many countries, including the United States, struggle with police brutality and tense relations between law enforcement and minority communities.
  • The United States far exceeds most wealthy democracies in killings by police, and officers seldom face legal consequences.

Why do you think that the United States seldom disciplines its police officers when they run foul of the laws? Could it be that the answer is right there in the Council’s second paragraph?
Could it be that policing is still tantamount to slave catching as it was when the idea was first conceptualized despite all of the talks about American exceptionalism and American advancement? Researchers estimate that one in ten police calls in the United States is related to mental health. Approximately one-fifth of people shot and killed by police in 2019 showed signs of mental illness.
Basic U.S. training programs take twenty-one weeks on average, whereas similar European programs can last more than three years. In Finland and Norway, recruits study policing in national colleges, spending part of the time in an internship with local police, and earn degrees in criminal justice or related fields.
With hundreds of police academies, the United States lacks national standards for what recruits should learn. U.S. academies tend to emphasize technical skills rather than communication and restraint. According to a 2013 U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics report, academies on average spent the most time — seventy-one hours — on firearm skills, compared with twenty-one hours on de-escalation training (which teaches how to use conversation and other tactics to calm a situation without using force) and crisis-intervention strategies. In Germany, firearms training focuses on how to avoid using force. Japanese officers are trained in martial arts.

The United States far surpasses most wealthy democracies in police killings. U.S. police killed an estimated 7,638 people between 2013 and 2019. (According to the same database, they killed another 1,125 people in 2020.) In comparison, at least 224 people died in encounters with Canadian police between 2013 and 2019. Some countries, such as Finland and Norway, have gone years without police killings.
A study done by the US Department of Justice found that the lack of data on police crime is clearly a problem; since the development of strategies to mitigate police crime in the least requires that they be documented and described in some systematic and generalizable manner. You can’t fix what you don’t know.

If you do not want to fix it you do not keep a record of it; that has been the strategy of the United States on police violence. If there is no data to look at there is no problem, no data means they cannot be confronted with the facts.
Failure to document in a unified and systemic way the violence committed by law enforcement in the United States has emboldened police to continue to act with impunity in minority communities.
Most of the almost 18,000 police departments are allowed to withhold even basic information regarding officers’ personnel records, much less to document and hold officers accountable for committing crimes.

After the George Floyd killing, a few local legislatures have moved to make officer’s personnel records available when accused of crimes.
Rather than throw the book at them when they commit felonies, local prosecutors who receive political endorsements from police unions fraternize with officers and allow dangerous criminal cops to plead guilty to misdemeanors so they can stay in uniform.
Consequently, dirty cops are allowed to remain in departments and pose a grave danger to the minority communities throughout the country.

As the issue of police crimes become more under the microscope, it is important to know that [still], there is no Federal database that compiles the number of people who are killed one way or another by police each year, much less the number of crimes police officers are committing and are allowed to plead down to misdemeanors by corrupt local prosecutors with the acquiescence of local equally corrupt judges.
In her academic article “Can You Be a Good Person and a Good Prosecutor?” law professor Abbé Smith implored lawyers “committed to social and racial justice” not to join a prosecutor’s office, urging them to think carefully about the moral implications of that choice. Smith was ahead of her time. When she wrote the article almost 20 years ago, the question was a provocative one, one that few were asking.
She demonstrated then what more Americans than ever are beginning to understand now: Prosecutors play an integral, even central, role in a profoundly corrupt and immoral system that has unjustifiably destroyed the lives of millions of Americans.
Judges, too, are deeply implicated in the moral crimes of this system but, like prosecutors, are highly regarded in polite society; indeed, the role of a judge is arguably among the most honored positions in American society.
We think of judges as people who have especially good judgment and a strong moral compass. But to prod the reality of the criminal justice system even a little is to reveal the cold, callous cruelty of the people charged with upholding justice and the rule of law.
It isn’t that judges and prosecutors have merely turned a blind eye to the rot of systemic racism and injustice at the heart of the criminal justice system. Rather, they have been actively complicit in advancing and reinforcing this system, working directly at odds with efforts to reform it. Given the tiny fraction of criminal cases that proceed to trial, judges have effectively abdicated their role, allowing prosecutors to coerce defendants into plea bargains whose terms force defendants to give up their most important constitutional rights
.

These judges are parties to an imposture, carrying on the pretense that criminal defendants enjoy the benefits of an adversarial process and a presumption of innocence. On the contrary, criminal cases have been reduced to mere administrative proceedings in which defendants (even completely innocent ones) accept long, harsh sentences under duress. Judges also routinely fail to scrutinize questionable evidence offered by prosecutors, including, notably, false testimony from police officers who lied under oath (the widespread phenomenon even has its own little name, “testilying”). They virtually always uphold illegal searches and arrests, agreeing with police officers in finding that there was probable cause, thus making the existing constitutional standard effectively meaningless. Prosecutors are unique among advocates; their client is the state, and the stakes are unusually high, as a victory for their client frequently means the forcible deprivation of a citizen’s liberty. Thus do their ethical obligations reflect this categorical difference, at least in theory and on paper. “A prosecutor’s duty is to seek justice, not merely to convict,” according to the American Bar Association’s model ethical rules. Prosecutors can behave much less ethically than other lawyers, largely because they have little incentive to take their ethical duties seriously. There are notoriously very few consequences for prosecutor misconduct, and of course, prosecutors know it. They cannot be held civilly liable for their acts as prosecutors, and state bars (the same organizations that have written so many nice-sounding words in the wake of George Floyd’s murder) almost always refuse to hold them to account.(Excerpt is taken from the Hill.com)

I know you felt that was is a system that was set up to ensure justice, unfortunately, that is an incredible lie. The system has precious little to do with the dispensation of justice; is a system designed to cement and further white power and white control over everyone else.
Every tentacle, every fibrous vein was designed to function to the detriment of the Black race. We are merely getting a tiny glance into its inner workings, those of us who bother to care that is.
For the rest, it’s coonery and buffoonery, as usual, shucking jiving right back into bonded servitude.

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Mike Beckles

Mike Beckles is a former Police Detective, businessman, freelance writer, black achiever honoree, and creator of the blog mikebeckles.com.